Abstract
Food and nutrition security exists when “…all people at all times have physical, social and economic access to food, which is safe and consumed in sufficient quantity and quality to meet their dietary needs and food preferences, and is supported by an environment of adequate sanitation, health services and care, allowing for a healthy and active life (Committee on World Food Security 2012).” It is underpinned by four pillars: availability; access; stability and utilisation.
For the most part, the dominant response to food insecurity in Australia has been charitable food relief such as soup kitchens, meals, vouchers and food parcels. More recently, the food banking industry has expanded and now is the primary source of food for agencies involved in charitable food relief (Booth & Whelan 2015). However the efforts of the charitable sector whilst admirable are problematic in that they are based on a moral responsibility to help needy people and are ineffective in addressing the issue of food insecurity. The heavy emphasis on food philanthropy and humanitarian assistance work has undermined government responsibilities with respect to the right to food (Booth, 2014).
This chapter will identify social and environmental determinants of food insecurity; the measurement of food insecurity and social and physical outcomes. It will critique current responses practiced to alleviate food insecurity at an individual household level and explore the nature of a human rights approach. The right to food is enshrined in several major instruments of International law and has been defined as “…..the right to have regular, permanent and unobstructed access [….] to quantitatively and qualitatively adequate and sufficient food […] which ensures a physical and mental, individual and collective fulfilling and dignified life free from anxiety” (Zeigler, 2001). A human rights approach moves food from a need to an entitlement and ensures human dignity is maintained. Typically in high income countries, those living in relative poverty are identified as being most at risk of food insecurity. These are usually listed as: those on low incomes, refugees and migrants, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islanders, people experiencing homelessness, university students and those with a mental illness (see for example, Gallegos et al 2008; Gallegos et al 2014). However, more recently food insecurity has been identified in households on middle incomes who are experiencing financial stress due to issues related to housing and cost of living pressures. National prevalence data has consistently identified that 5% of the population are food insecure (ABS 1995, 2004-5). Australia, however, measures food insecurity on an ad hoc basis relying primarily on a single measure which is known to underestimate prevalence at a population level. Using more sensitive tools it is predicted that approximately 10% of households are food insecure in Australia and that this can be as high as 25% in some areas (Ramsey et al 2012; Nolan et al 2006). Evidence indicates that food insecurity contributes to a range of outcomes including: overweight and obesity (especially among women); chronic disease; mental health issues; social isolation; poor child development outcomes; and micronutrient deficiencies (Burns 2004; Carter 2011; Kirkpatrick & Tarasuk 2008; Laraia, 2013; Ramsey et al 2011; Seligman, Laraia, & Kushel, 2010). Its impact on social, psychological, emotional and physical outcomes for Australians is largely unknown but evidence is gathering that it could be the single most important determinant of health for Australians who are experiencing disadvantage. Within a neoliberal government approach the alleviation of food insecurity is conceptualised as an individualised responsibility (Bastian and Coveney 2013). As a result, emergency food relief agencies are the primary safety net for food insecure households in Australia. These agencies, in many cases, provide access to food and in order to meet other organisational goals will couple this with budgeting, cooking, nutrition education, and other food literacy programs. These agencies are mainly reliant on donated food sources and there is evidence of poor nutritional quality, poor safety, and inappropriate (cultural/dietary requirements, availability, volume) food choices being provided.
There are growing concerns regarding the heavy reliance of food insecure Australians on the charitable food industry and also its ability to cope with increasing demand. Efforts to re-frame food insecurity as an issue of social justice within a broader rights based context may advance existing efforts rather than one of charity.
Original language | English |
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Title of host publication | A sociology of Food and Nutrition |
Subtitle of host publication | The Social Appetite |
Editors | John Germov , Lauren Williams |
Place of Publication | Melbourne Victoria Australia |
Publisher | Oxford University Press |
Pages | 55-74 |
Number of pages | 20 |
Edition | 4th |
ISBN (Print) | 9780190304676 |
Publication status | Published - 2017 |